台灣也需要這樣的演講---Obama's speech to Congress

2009年2月4日, 美國總統歐巴馬於就職後於國會參眾兩院發表國情咨文, 其間被無數掌聲所中斷. 這咨文清楚地描述了當前該國所面臨的挑戰與現況, 並鼓舞人心, 讓民眾完全感受到總統與人民的確是站在一起. 他給了該國人民美好的願景, 雖然不一定會實現, 但是他讓大家相信, 歐巴馬會盡力努力.

台灣正需要這樣的領導者帶給我們明確的願景與希望 !

以下是美國總統歐巴馬的國情咨文的原文與翻譯.

Obama's speech to Congress

Madame Speaker, Mr Vice-President, members of Congress and the first lady of the United States:

I've come here tonight not only to address the distinguished men and women in this great chamber, but to speak frankly and directly to the men and women who sent us here.


I know that for many Americans watching right now, the state of our economy is a concern that rises above all others. And rightly so. If you haven't been personally affected by this recession, you probably know someone who has - a friend; a neighbor; a member of your family. You don't need to hear another list of statistics to know that our economy is in crisis, because you live it every day. It's the worry you wake up with and the source of sleepless nights. It's the job you thought you'd retire from but now have lost; the business you built your dreams upon that's now hanging by a thread; the college acceptance letter your child had to put back in the envelope. The impact of this recession is real, and it is everywhere.

But while our economy may be weakened and our confidence shaken; though we are living through difficult and uncertain times, tonight I want every American to know this:

We will rebuild, we will recover and the United States of America will emerge stronger than before.

The weight of this crisis will not determine the destiny of this nation. The answers to our problems don't lie beyond our reach. They exist in our laboratories and universities; in our fields and our factories; in the imaginations of our entrepreneurs and the pride of the hardest-working people on Earth. Those qualities that have made America the greatest force of progress and prosperity in human history we still possess in ample measure. What is required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly the challenges we face and take responsibility for our future once more.

Now, if we're honest with ourselves, we'll admit that for too long, we have not always met these responsibilities - as a government or as a people. I say this not to lay blame or look backwards, but because it is only by understanding how we arrived at this moment that we'll be able to lift ourselves out of this predicament.

The fact is, our economy did not fall into decline overnight. Nor did all of our problems begin when the housing market collapsed or the stock market sank. We have known for decades that our survival depends on finding new sources of energy. Yet we import more oil today than ever before. The cost of healthcare eats up more and more of our savings each year, yet we keep delaying reform. Our children will compete for jobs in a global economy that too many of our schools do not prepare them for. And though all these challenges went unsolved, we still managed to spend more money and pile up more debt, both as individuals and through our government, than ever before.

In other words, we have lived through an era where too often, short-term gains were prized over long-term prosperity; where we failed to look beyond the next payment, the next quarter or the next election. A surplus became an excuse to transfer wealth to the wealthy instead of an opportunity to invest in our future. Regulations were gutted for the sake of a quick profit at the expense of a healthy market. People bought homes they knew they couldn't afford from banks and lenders who pushed those bad loans anyway. And all the while, critical debates and difficult decisions were put off for some other time on some other day.

Well that day of reckoning has arrived, and the time to take charge of our future is here.

Now is the time to act boldly and wisely - to not only revive this economy, but to build a new foundation for lasting prosperity. Now is the time to jump-start job creation, re-start lending and invest in areas like energy, healthcare and education that will grow our economy, even as we make hard choices to bring our deficit down. That is what my economic agenda is designed to do, and that's what I'd like to talk to you about tonight.

It's an agenda that begins with jobs.

As soon as I took office, I asked this Congress to send me a recovery plan by President's Day that would put people back to work and put money in their pockets. Not because I believe in bigger government - I don't. Not because I'm not mindful of the massive debt we've inherited - I am. I called for action because the failure to do so would have cost more jobs and caused more hardships. In fact, a failure to act would have worsened our long-term deficit by assuring weak economic growth for years. That's why I pushed for quick action. And tonight, I am grateful that this Congress delivered, and pleased to say that the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act is now law.

Over the next two years, this plan will save or create 3.5m jobs. More than 90% of these jobs will be in the private sector - jobs rebuilding our roads and bridges; constructing wind turbines and solar panels; laying broadband and expanding mass transit.

Because of this plan, there are teachers who can now keep their jobs and educate our kids. Healthcare professionals can continue caring for our sick. There are 57 police officers who are still on the streets of Minneapolis tonight because this plan prevented the layoffs their department was about to make.

Because of this plan, 95% of the working households in America will receive a tax cut – a tax cut that you will see in your paychecks beginning on April 1st.

Because of this plan, families who are struggling to pay tuition costs will receive a $2,500 tax credit for all four years of college. And Americans who have lost their jobs in this recession will be able to receive extended unemployment benefits and continued healthcare coverage to help them weather this storm.

I know there are some in this chamber and watching at home who are sceptical of whether this plan will work. I understand that scepticism. Here in Washington, we've all seen how quickly good intentions can turn into broken promises and wasteful spending. And with a plan of this scale comes enormous responsibility to get it right.

That is why I have asked Vice-President Biden to lead a tough, unprecedented oversight effort - because nobody messes with Joe. I have told each member of my cabinet as well as mayors and governors across the country that they will be held accountable by me and the American people for every dollar they spend. I have appointed a proven and aggressive inspector-general to ferret out any and all cases of waste and fraud. And we have created a new website called recovery.gov so that every American can find out how and where their money is being spent.

So the recovery plan we passed is the first step in getting our economy back on track. But it is just the first step. Because even if we manage this plan flawlessly, there will be no real recovery unless we clean up the credit crisis that has severely weakened our financial system.

I want to speak plainly and candidly about this issue tonight, because every American should know that it directly affects you and your family's well-being. You should also know that the money you've deposited in banks across the country is safe; your insurance is secure; and you can rely on the continued operation of our financial system. That is not the source of concern.

The concern is that if we do not re-start lending in this country, our recovery will be choked off before it even begins.

You see, the flow of credit is the lifeblood of our economy. The ability to get a loan is how you finance the purchase of everything from a home to a car to a college education; how stores stock their shelves, farms buy equipment, and businesses make payroll.

But credit has stopped flowing the way it should. Too many bad loans from the housing crisis have made their way onto the books of too many banks. With so much debt and so little confidence, these banks are now fearful of lending out any more money to households, to businesses, or to each other. When there is no lending, families can't afford to buy homes or cars. So businesses are forced to make layoffs. Our economy suffers even more, and credit dries up even further.

That is why this administration is moving swiftly and aggressively to break this destructive cycle, restore confidence and re-start lending.

We will do so in several ways. First, we are creating a new lending fund that represents the largest effort ever to help provide auto loans, college loans and small business loans to the consumers and entrepreneurs who keep this economy running.

Second, we have launched a housing plan that will help responsible families facing the threat of foreclosure lower their monthly payments and re-finance their mortgages. It's a plan that won't help speculators or that neighbour down the street who bought a house he could never hope to afford, but it will help millions of Americans who are struggling with declining home values - Americans who will now be able to take advantage of the lower interest rates that this plan has already helped bring about. In fact, the average family who re-finances today can save nearly $2,000 per year on their mortgage.

Third, we will act with the full force of the federal government to ensure that the major banks that Americans depend on have enough confidence and enough money to lend even in more difficult times. And when we learn that a major bank has serious problems, we will hold accountable those responsible, force the necessary adjustments, provide the support to clean up their balance sheets and assure the continuity of a strong, viable institution that can serve our people and our economy.

I understand that on any given day, Wall Street may be more comforted by an approach that gives banks bail-outs with no strings attached, and that holds nobody accountable for their reckless decisions. But such an approach won't solve the problem. And our goal is to quicken the day when we re-start lending to the American people and American business and end this crisis once and for all.

I intend to hold these banks fully accountable for the assistance they receive, and this time, they will have to clearly demonstrate how taxpayer dollars result in more lending for the American taxpayer. This time, CEOs won't be able to use taxpayer money to pad their paychecks or buy fancy drapes or disappear on a private jet. Those days are over.

Still, this plan will require significant resources from the federal government - and yes, probably more than we've already set aside. But while the cost of action will be great, I can assure you that the cost of inaction will be far greater, for it could result in an economy that sputters along for not months or years, but perhaps a decade. That would be worse for our deficit, worse for business, worse for you, and worse for the next generation. And I refuse to let that happen.

I understand that when the last administration asked this Congress to provide assistance for struggling banks, Democrats and Republicans alike were infuriated by the mismanagement and results that followed. So were the American taxpayers. So was I.

So I know how unpopular it is to be seen as helping banks right now, especially when everyone is suffering in part from their bad decisions. I promise you - I get it.

But I also know that in a time of crisis, we cannot afford to govern out of anger, or yield to the politics of the moment. My job our job - is to solve the problem. Our job is to govern with a sense of responsibility. I will not spend a single penny for the purpose of rewarding a single Wall Street executive, but I will do whatever it takes to help the small business that can't pay its workers or the family that has saved and still can't get a mortgage.

That's what this is about. It's not about helping banks - it's about helping people. Because when credit is available again, that young family can finally buy a new home. And then some company will hire workers to build it. And then those workers will have money to spend, and if they can get a loan too, maybe they'll finally buy that car, or open their own business. Investors will return to the market, and American families will see their retirement secured once more. Slowly, but surely, confidence will return, and our economy will recover.

So I ask this Congress to join me in doing whatever proves necessary. Because we cannot consign our nation to an open-ended recession. And to ensure that a crisis of this magnitude never happens again, I ask Congress to move quickly on legislation that will finally reform our outdated regulatory system. It is time to put in place tough, new common-sense rules of the road so that our financial market rewards drive and innovation, and punishes short-cuts and abuse.

The recovery plan and the financial stability plan are the immediate steps we're taking to revive our economy in the short-term. But the only way to fully restore America's economic strength is to make the long-term investments that will lead to new jobs, new industries, and a renewed ability to compete with the rest of the world. The only way this century will be another American century is if we confront at last the price of our dependence on oil and the high cost of healthcare; the schools that aren't preparing our children and the mountain of debt they stand to inherit. That is our responsibility.

In the next few days, I will submit a budget to Congress. So often, we have come to view these documents as simply numbers on a page or laundry lists of programs. I see this document differently. I see it as a vision for America - as a blueprint for our future.

My budget does not attempt to solve every problem or address every issue. It reflects the stark reality of what we've inherited – a trillion dollar deficit, a financial crisis and a costly recession.

Given these realities, everyone in this chamber - Democrats and Republicans - will have to sacrifice some worthy priorities for which there are no dollars. And that includes me.

But that does not mean we can afford to ignore our long-term challenges. I reject the view that says our problems will simply take care of themselves; that says government has no role in laying the foundation for our common prosperity.

For history tells a different story. History reminds us that at every moment of economic upheaval and transformation, this nation has responded with bold action and big ideas. In the midst of civil war, we laid railroad tracks from one coast to another that spurred commerce and industry. From the turmoil of the industrial revolution came a system of public high schools that prepared our citizens for a new age. In the wake of war and depression, the GI bill sent a generation to college and created the largest middle class in history. And a twilight struggle for freedom led to a nation of highways, an American on the moon and an explosion of technology that still shapes our world.

In each case, government didn't supplant private enterprise; it catalysed private enterprise. It created the conditions for thousands of entrepreneurs and new businesses to adapt and to thrive.

We are a nation that has seen promise amid peril, and claimed opportunity from ordeal. Now we must be that nation again. That is why, even as it cuts back on the programmes we don't need, the budget I submit will invest in the three areas that are absolutely critical to our economic future: energy, healthcare and education.

It begins with energy.

We know the country that harnesses the power of clean, renewable energy will lead the 21st century. And yet, it is China that has launched the largest effort in history to make their economy energy efficient. We invented solar technology, but we've fallen behind countries like Germany and Japan in producing it. New plug-in hybrids roll off our assembly lines, but they will run on batteries made in Korea.

Well I do not accept a future where the jobs and industries of tomorrow take root beyond our borders - and I know you don't either. It is time for America to lead again.

Thanks to our recovery plan, we will double this nation's supply of renewable energy in the next three years. We have also made the largest investment in basic research funding in American history - an investment that will spur not only new discoveries in energy, but breakthroughs in medicine, science and technology.

We will soon lay down thousands of miles of power lines that can carry new energy to cities and towns across this country. And we will put Americans to work making our homes and buildings more efficient so that we can save billions of dollars on our energy bills.

But to truly transform our economy, protect our security and save our planet from the ravages of climate change, we need to ultimately make clean, renewable energy the profitable kind of energy. So I ask this Congress to send me legislation that places a market-based cap on carbon pollution and drives the production of more renewable energy in America. And to support that innovation, we will invest $15bn dollars a year to develop technologies like wind power and solar power; advanced biofuels, clean coal and more fuel-efficient cars and trucks built right here in America.

As for our auto industry, everyone recognises that years of bad decision-making and a global recession have pushed our automakers to the brink. We should not, and will not, protect them from their own bad practices. But we are committed to the goal of a re-tooled, re-imagined auto industry that can compete and win. Millions of jobs depend on it. Scores of communities depend on it. And I believe the nation that invented the automobile cannot walk away from it.

None of this will come without cost, nor will it be easy. But this is America. We don't do what's easy. We do what is necessary to move this country forward.

For that same reason, we must also address the crushing cost of healthcare.

This is a cost that now causes a bankruptcy in America every 30 seconds. By the end of the year, it could cause 1.5 million Americans to lose their homes. In the last eight years, premiums have grown four times faster than wages. And in each of these years, one million more Americans have lost their health insurance. It is one of the major reasons why small businesses close their doors and corporations ship jobs overseas. And it's one of the largest and fastest-growing parts of our budget.

Given these facts, we can no longer afford to put healthcare reform on hold.

Already, we have done more to advance the cause of healthcare reform in the last 30 days than we have in the last decade. When it was days old, this Congress passed a law to provide and protect health insurance for 11 million American children whose parents work full-time. Our recovery plan will invest in electronic health records and new technology that will reduce errors, bring down costs, ensure privacy and save lives. It will launch a new effort to conquer a disease that has touched the life of nearly every American by seeking a cure for cancer in our time. And it makes the largest investment ever in preventive care, because that is one of the best ways to keep our people healthy and our costs under control.

This budget builds on these reforms. It includes an historic commitment to comprehensive healthcare reform - a down-payment on the principle that we must have quality, affordable healthcare for every American. It's a commitment that's paid for in part by efficiencies in our system that are long overdue. And it's a step we must take if we hope to bring down our deficit in the years to come.

Now, there will be many different opinions and ideas about how to achieve reform, and that is why I'm bringing together businesses and workers, doctors and health care providers, Democrats and Republicans to begin work on this issue next week.

I suffer no illusions that this will be an easy process. It will be hard. But I also know that nearly a century after Teddy Roosevelt first called for reform, the cost of our healthcare has weighed down our economy and the conscience of our nation long enough. So let there be no doubt: healthcare reform cannot wait, it must not wait, and it will not wait another year.

The third challenge we must address is the urgent need to expand the promise of education in America.

In a global economy where the most valuable skill you can sell is your knowledge, a good education is no longer just a pathway to opportunity - it is a pre-requisite.

Right now, three-quarters of the fastest-growing occupations require more than a high school diploma. And yet, just over half of our citizens have that level of education. We have one of the highest high school dropout rates of any industrialised nation. And half of the students who begin college never finish.

This is a prescription for economic decline, because we know the countries that out-teach us today will out-compete us tomorrow. That is why it will be the goal of this administration to ensure that every child has access to a complete and competitive education - from the day they are born to the day they begin a career.

Already, we have made an historic investment in education through the economic recovery plan. We have dramatically expanded early childhood education and will continue to improve its quality, because we know that the most formative learning comes in those first years of life. We have made college affordable for nearly seven million more students. And we have provided the resources necessary to prevent painful cuts and teacher layoffs that would set back our children's progress.

But we know that our schools don't just need more resources. They need more reform. That is why this budget creates new incentives for teacher performance; pathways for advancement, and rewards for success. We'll invest in innovative programmes that are already helping schools meet high standards and close achievement gaps. And we will expand our commitment to charter schools.

It is our responsibility as lawmakers and educators to make this system work. But it is the responsibility of every citizen to participate in it. And so tonight, I ask every American to commit to at least one year or more of higher education or career training. This can be community college or a four-year school; vocational training or an apprenticeship. But whatever the training may be, every American will need to get more than a high school diploma. And dropping out of high school is no longer an option. It's not just quitting on yourself, it's quitting on your country - and this country needs and values the talents of every American. That is why we will provide the support necessary for you to complete college and meet a new goal: by 2020, America will once again have the highest proportion of college graduates in the world.

I know that the price of tuition is higher than ever, which is why if you are willing to volunteer in your neighbourhood or give back to your community or serve your country, we will make sure that you can afford a higher education. And to encourage a renewed spirit of national service for this and future generations, I ask this Congress to send me the bipartisan legislation that bears the name of senator Orrin Hatch as well as an American who has never stopped asking what he can do for his country - senator Edward Kennedy.

These education policies will open the doors of opportunity for our children. But it is up to us to ensure they walk through them. In the end, there is no program or policy that can substitute for a mother or father who will attend those parent/teacher conferences, or help with homework after dinner or turn off the TV, put away the video games and read to their child. I speak to you not just as a president, but as a father when I say that responsibility for our children's education must begin at home.

There is, of course, another responsibility we have to our children. And that is the responsibility to ensure that we do not pass on to them a debt they cannot pay. With the deficit we inherited, the cost of the crisis we face, and the long-term challenges we must meet, it has never been more important to ensure that as our economy recovers, we do what it takes to bring this deficit down.

I'm proud that we passed the recovery plan free of earmarks, and I want to pass a budget next year that ensures that each dollar we spend reflects only our most important national priorities.

Yesterday, I held a fiscal summit where I pledged to cut the deficit in half by the end of my first term in office. My administration has also begun to go line by line through the federal budget in order to eliminate wasteful and ineffective programs. As you can imagine, this is a process that will take some time. But we're starting with the biggest lines. We have already identified $2tn in savings over the next decade.

In this budget, we will end education programs that don't work and end direct payments to large agribusinesses that don't need them. We'll eliminate the no-bid contracts that have wasted billions in Iraq, and reform our defence budget so that we're not paying for Cold War-era weapons systems we don't use. We will root out the waste, fraud and abuse in our Medicare program that doesn't make our seniors any healthier, and we will restore a sense of fairness and balance to our tax code by finally ending the tax breaks for corporations that ship our jobs overseas.

In order to save our children from a future of debt, we will also end the tax breaks for the wealthiest 2% of Americans. But let me perfectly clear, because I know you'll hear the same old claims that rolling back these tax breaks means a massive tax increase on the American people: if your family earns less than $250,000 a year, you will not see your taxes increased a single dime. I repeat: not one single dime. In fact, the recovery plan provides a tax cut - that's right, a tax cut - for 95% of working families. And these checks are on the way.

To preserve our long-term fiscal health, we must also address the growing costs in Medicare and Social Security. Comprehensive healthcare reform is the best way to strengthen Medicare for years to come. And we must also begin a conversation on how to do the same for Social Security, while creating tax-free universal savings accounts for all Americans.

Finally, because we're also suffering from a deficit of trust, I am committed to restoring a sense of honesty and accountability to our budget. That is why this budget looks ahead 10 years and accounts for spending that was left out under the old rules - and for the first time, that includes the full cost of fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan. For seven years, we have been a nation at war. No longer will we hide its price.

We are now carefully reviewing our policies in both wars, and I will soon announce a way forward in Iraq that leaves Iraq to its people and responsibly ends this war.

And with our friends and allies, we will forge a new and comprehensive strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan to defeat al-Qaeda and combat extremism. Because I will not allow terrorists to plot against the American people from safe havens half a world away.

As we meet here tonight, our men and women in uniform stand watch abroad and more are readying to deploy. To each and every one of them, and to the families who bear the quiet burden of their absence, Americans are united in sending one message: we honour your service, we are inspired by your sacrifice and you have our unyielding support. To relieve the strain on our forces, my budget increases the number of our soldiers and Marines. And to keep our sacred trust with those who serve, we will raise their pay, and give our veterans the expanded healthcare and benefits that they have earned.

To overcome extremism, we must also be vigilant in upholding the values our troops defend - because there is no force in the world more powerful than the example of America. That is why I have ordered the closing of the detention centre at Guantánamo Bay, and will seek swift and certain justice for captured terrorists – because living our values doesn't make us weaker, it makes us safer and it makes us stronger. And that is why I can stand here tonight and say without exception or equivocation that the United States of America does not torture.

In words and deeds, we are showing the world that a new era of engagement has begun. For we know that America cannot meet the threats of this century alone, but the world cannot meet them without America. We cannot shun the negotiating table, nor ignore the foes or forces that could do us harm. We are instead called to move forward with the sense of confidence and candour that serious times demand.

To seek progress toward a secure and lasting peace between Israel and her neighbours, we have appointed an envoy to sustain our effort. To meet the challenges of the 21st century - from terrorism to nuclear proliferation; from pandemic disease to cyber threats to crushing poverty - we will strengthen old alliances, forge new ones and use all elements of our national power.

And to respond to an economic crisis that is global in scope, we are working with the nations of the G-20 to restore confidence in our financial system, avoid the possibility of escalating protectionism, and spur demand for American goods in markets across the globe. For the world depends on us to have a strong economy, just as our economy depends on the strength of the world's.

As we stand at this crossroads of history, the eyes of all people in all nations are once again upon us - watching to see what we do with this moment; waiting for us to lead.

Those of us gathered here tonight have been called to govern in extraordinary times. It is a tremendous burden, but also a great privilege – one that has been entrusted to few generations of Americans. For in our hands lies the ability to shape our world for good or for ill.

I know that it is easy to lose sight of this truth - to become cynical and doubtful; consumed with the petty and the trivial.

But in my life, I have also learned that hope is found in unlikely places; that inspiration often comes not from those with the most power or celebrity, but from the dreams and aspirations of Americans who are anything but ordinary.

I think about Leonard Abess, the bank president from Miami who reportedly cashed out of his company, took a $60m bonus, and gave it out to all 399 people who worked for him, plus another 72 who used to work for him. He didn't tell anyone, but when the local newspaper found out, he simply said: ''I knew some of these people since I was seven years old. I didn't feel right getting the money myself."

I think about Greensburg, Kansas, a town that was completely destroyed by a tornado, but is being rebuilt by its residents as a global example of how clean energy can power an entire community - how it can bring jobs and businesses to a place where piles of bricks and rubble once lay. "The tragedy was terrible," said one of the men who helped them rebuild. "But the folks here know that it also provided an incredible opportunity."

And I think about Ty'Sheoma Bethea, the young girl from that school I visited in Dillon, South Carolina - a place where the ceilings leak, the paint peels off the walls, and they have to stop teaching six times a day because the train barrels by their classroom. She has been told that her school is hopeless, but the other day after class she went to the public library and typed up a letter to the people sitting in this room. She even asked her principal for the money to buy a stamp. The letter asks us for help, and says: "We are just students trying to become lawyers, doctors, congressmen like yourself and one day president, so we can make a change to not just the state of South Carolina but also the world. We are not quitters."

We are not quitters.

These words and these stories tell us something about the spirit of the people who sent us here. They tell us that even in the most trying times, amid the most difficult circumstances, there is a generosity, a resilience, a decency and a determination that perseveres; a willingness to take responsibility for our future and for posterity.

Their resolve must be our inspiration. Their concerns must be our cause. And we must show them and all our people that we are equal to the task before us.

I know that we haven't agreed on every issue thus far, and there are surely times in the future when we will part ways. But I also know that every American who is sitting here tonight loves this country and wants it to succeed. That must be the starting point for every debate we have in the coming months, and where we return after those debates are done. That is the foundation on which the American people expect us to build common ground.

And if we do - if we come together and lift this nation from the depths of this crisis; if we put our people back to work and restart the engine of our prosperity; if we confront without fear the challenges of our time and summon that enduring spirit of an America that does not quit, then someday years from now our children can tell their children that this was the time when we performed, in the words that are carved into this very chamber, "something worthy to be remembered". Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.

歐巴馬總統發表國情咨文

美國國會

東部標準時間晚9:16

總統：議長女士，副總統先生，各位國會議員，美國第一夫人——(掌聲)——她就在附近。

今晚，我來到這裡，不僅向這個宏偉大廳中在座的各位傑出人士發表講話，而且向推選我們來到這裡的男女民眾進行坦率和直接的交談。

我知道，對於現在正在收看轉播的很多美國人來説，我國的經濟現狀令人擔憂，壓倒了所有其他的問題。這一點千真萬確。如果你本人尚未受到這場衰退的影響，但在你認識的人中間，或許有人───朋友、鄰居，或是家庭成員已受到波及。你無須再了解一系列數字，就知道我們的經濟陷入了危機，因為你每天都身臨其境，使你日有所慮，夜不能寐。你原以為能保持這份工作直到退休，現在卻不幸失去了工作；你原希望通過創業編織夢想，現在自己的事業卻危在旦夕；你的子女收到了大學錄取通知，但不得已只能束之高閣。這場衰退的影響已確鑿無疑，無處不在。

儘管我國經濟可能已被削弱，我們的信心可能已發生動搖；儘管我們正經歷困難重重、前途不明的時期，但今晚，我希望每一個美國人知道：我們決心重建，我們必將復甦，美利堅合眾國一定會獲得新生，比以往更強盛。(掌聲)

這場危機的重壓不可能左右這個國家的命運。解決我們的種種問題的答案並非遙不可及。問題的答案就在我們的實驗室和大學中；就在我們的田野上和工廠裏；就蘊藏在我國創業者的想像力和地球上最勤勞的人民的豪情壯志之中。這些品質使美國成為人類歷史上進步與繁榮的最偉大的力量，我們依然充分擁有這些品質。現在必須做的是，全國上下齊心協力，勇敢地迎接我們面臨的各種挑戰，再度為我們的未來承擔責任。(掌聲)

開誠佈公地説，我們現在必須承認，長期以來，無論是作為一個國家的政府，或是作為一個國家的人民，我們未能做到時時刻刻履行這些職責。我這麼説並不是為了怪罪于誰，也不是為了追究過去，而是因為只有了解我們怎麼會走到這個地步，我們才能擺脫這一困境。

事實是，我國經濟陷入衰退並非一朝一夕之力。我們面臨的所有問題也並非一概始於房市崩潰或股市滑坡。幾十年來，我們一直都清楚我們的生存有賴於找到新的能源。然而，今天，我們進口的石油卻超過以往任何時候。年復一年，高昂的醫療費用日益侵蝕我們的儲蓄，然而醫療改革卻一再延誤。我們的下一代需要在全球經濟中參與競爭，但我們很多的學校卻未能培養他們的這種能力。儘管這些難題一直都未得到解決，但我們無論作為個人還是通過我們的政府，依然比以往任何時候都支出更多，負債更重。

換句話説，我們已經走過的那個時期往往更看重短期收益，而不是長期繁榮；我們的眼光僅局限于下一筆付款、下一個季度或下一屆選舉。財政盈餘非但沒有成為投資于未來的一個時機，反而變成了把財富轉移給富人的藉口。(掌聲)規章條例形同虛設，只為迅速牟利，不惜以市場的健康為代價。有些人明知自己不具備經濟能力，卻可借助竭力推銷不良貸款的銀行和貸款機構買房。而與此同時，重大的辯論和艱難的決策卻被一拖再拖。

但飽嘗苦果的日子已經到來，主宰我們前途的時機就在眼前。

現在正是需要大膽、明智地採取行動之時——不僅要振興經濟，還要為持久繁榮奠定新的基礎。現在正是大力創造就業機會，重新開始貸款，投資于能源、醫療和教育等能促使我國經濟增長的事業之時，即便是在我們為降低赤字而做出艱難抉擇的情況下。這就是我的經濟計劃設定的目標，也是我今晚要向你們講述的情況。

這一計劃首先著手于就業。(掌聲)

我一上任，就要求國會在總統紀念日(President's Day)前向我提交復甦方案，以便讓人們重新有工作，有收入。這並不是因為我相信大政府──我並不相信；並非因為我不考慮我們繼承的巨大債務──我有所考慮。我之所以呼籲採取行動，是因為如果不這麼做，將失去更多的工作，導致更多的痛苦。事實上，不採取行動會導致數年內經濟增長緩慢，加重長期赤字。因此我敦促採取迅速行動。今晚，我要感激國會採取了行動，我可以欣慰地説，《美國復甦和重新投資法》(American Recovery and Reinvestment Act) 已經生效。(掌聲)

在今後兩年中，這項方案將保全或創造350萬份工作機會。其中90%以上將在私營行業──重建我國公路和橋梁；建造風力發電機和太陽能板；鋪設寬帶和擴展公共交通系統。

有了這一方案，教師們能夠繼續工作，為我們的孩子上課。醫護工作者能夠繼續護理病人。今晚明尼阿波利斯市的街頭仍有57名警察在值勤，因為這個方案使他們的警局避免了即將開始的裁員。(掌聲)

有了這一方案，美國95%的職工家庭將獲得減稅──大家將在從4月1日開始的薪水單上看到這一減稅。 (掌聲)

有了這一方案，那些正在為支付學費而掙扎的家庭將得到一項供所有四年大學期間享有的2,500美元減稅優惠。美國人───(掌聲)── 那些在這次蕭條中失業的美國人將能夠獲得延長的失業補貼以及醫療保險，幫助他們度過這場風暴。 (掌聲)

我知道這裡在坐的以及在家裏觀看的一些人士，對這項方案是否有效心存疑慮。我能理解這種疑慮。在華盛頓，我們都曾目睹善良的願望如何迅速化為落空的承諾和浪費。如此規模的方案意味著不容失誤的巨大責任。

正因為如此，我要求副總統拜登(Vice President Biden)負責領導一項艱巨和前所未有的監督工作，因為沒有人可以唬弄喬。(掌聲) 我──不是嗎？他們不能唬弄你。我已向內閣每位成員，全國的市長和州長表示，我和美國人民會要求他們對所花的每一美元有所交代。我已任命一名經驗豐富、辦事嚴明的總檢查長清查所有浪費和弄虛作假情況。我們已開設了一個新網站，名叫recovery.gov，使每個美國人都能了解他們的錢被如何使用以及使用在什麼地方。

因此，我們所通過的復甦方案是使我國經濟重回正軌的第一步。然而，這只是第一步。因為即使我們完美無缺地執行這一方案，如果我們不解決已嚴重削弱我國金融系統的信貸危機，就不會有真正的復甦。

今晚我想直接坦率地談論這一問題，因為每個美國人應該了解，這直接影響著你及你家人的福祉。大家還應該了解，你們在全國各地銀行的儲蓄是有保障的；你們的保險是安全的；你們可以信賴我國金融系統將繼續運轉。這不是擔憂的來源。

需要擔憂的是，如果我國不重新啟動貸款，我們的復甦甚至在起步之前就會夭折。

你們知道── (掌聲)──你們知道，信貸暢通是我國經濟的生命線。能否獲得貸款決定著購買支付各種東西的能力，從房屋、汽車到大學教育；從商店能否進貨、農場能否購買設備到公司能否發出工資。

然而，信貸已停止了正常流動。因房市危機而導致的太多問題貸款已進入太多銀行的賬戶。面對如此眾多的債務，如此低落的信心，銀行如今不再敢向個人、商家、甚至其他銀行貸款。沒有貸款，家庭無法購房買車。公司不得不裁員。我國經濟損失更加慘重，信貸更趨枯竭。

因此，本屆政府正在迅速採取大膽行動，以打破這一致命迴圈，恢復信任，重新發放貸款。

我們將在幾方面採取行動。首先，作為至今採取的規模最大的行動，我們正在創設一項新的貸款基金，向保持美國經濟運轉的消費者和工商企業家提供汽車貸款、大學教育貸款和小型企業貸款。(掌聲)

其次──其次，我們已推出一項住房計劃，為面臨房屋遭到拍賣威脅的負責任的家庭降低每月的付款額並重新申請抵押借款。這項計劃不會幫助投機者或買了房子但永遠沒有能力承擔房款的鄰居，但有助於千百萬因住房日益貶值而面臨困境的美國人──他們現在可以利用這個計劃已經帶來的更的低利率。事實上，今天重新貸款的美國人能夠在抵押貸款上每年節省近2,000美元。(掌聲)

第三，我們將動員聯邦政府全力投入這項行動，確保美國人民所依靠的各大銀行有足夠的信心和足夠的資金髮放貸款，即使在更困難的時期也能如此。一旦我們了解到某一家大銀行出現嚴重問題，我們將讓那些相關人員承擔責任，迫使銀行採取必要的調整措施，為清理資産帳目提供支援，務使一個能為美國人民和美國經濟服務的強大有效的系統繼續發揮作用。

我了解，無論什麼時候，如果在不附加任何條件並不要求任何人對草率的決策承擔責任的條件下為銀行提供救助，華爾街都可能感到更放心。但這樣的方式不可能解決問題。我們的目標是，使重新開始向美國人民和美國工商企業貸款並使這場危機一去不復返的日子早日到來。

而且我要求這些銀行為獲得的援助負全部責任。這一次，這些銀行必須表明納稅人的錢將以何種方式最終為美國納稅人提供更多的貸款。(掌聲)這一次──這一次，一些首席執行長將無法用納稅人的錢大幅度增加自己的薪酬，無法購買豪華的窗簾，也無法乘私人飛機消失無蹤。那些日子已經結束了。(掌聲)

然而，這項計劃還是需要聯邦政府提供大量資源──對了，其需要量很可能高於我們已經劃撥的款項。雖然採取行動的代價高昂，但我可以向你們保證，不採取行動的代價更高，因為可能産生的結果是經濟始終步履蹣跚，持續的時間不是幾個月或幾年，可能達10年之久。這對於我們的赤字，對於我們的工商業，對於你們大家和我們的下一代都更為不利。我決不讓這種情況發生。(掌聲)

為此，我知道，當上一屆政府請求本屆國會為面臨困境的銀行提供援助時，不論是民主黨還是共和黨議員都對銀行的管理不善及其産生的後果感到憤怒。美國的納稅人也是如此。我也同樣如此。因此我知道，現在被視為幫助銀行解困的做法是如何不得人心，尤其是正當大家都在為他們拙劣的決策共同承受苦難的時候。我向你們保證──我很明白。

但我也知道，在陷入危機的時刻，我們不能以怒治國，也不能屈服於當前的政治。(掌聲)我的職責──我們的職責──是解決問題。我們的職責是以責任感治理國家。我不會──我不會花一分錢獎勵任何一個華爾街主管人員，但我會盡一切可能幫助無法支付員工工資的小型企業，或積攢了錢但仍無法獲得抵押貸款的家庭。(掌聲)

這就是其中的內容。不是幫助銀行──而是幫助人民。(掌聲)因為當信貸又可以發放的時候，那些年輕人的家庭才終於能夠購買新房。同時某一家公司才能雇用工人建造房屋。然後，這些工人才有錢進行消費。他們如果還能拿到貸款，也許終於能買下他們想買的車，或開辦自己的企業。投資者會重回市場，美國家庭會看到他們的退休生活又一次獲得保障。慢慢地，但毫無疑問，信心會得到恢復，我們的經濟會獲得康復。(掌聲)

因此我請求國會與我一起做凡是證明有必要做的事情。因為我們不能聽任我們的國家陷入無止境的衰退。為了保證這種大規模的危機永遠不再發生，我請求國會迅速立法，最終改革我國早已過時的監管系統。(掌聲)現在是時候了──是制定嚴厲的、嶄新的、符合常理的運行規則的時候了，使我們的金融市場獎勵奮進與創新，懲罰投機取巧和濫用權力。

復甦計劃和金融穩定計劃是我們為在短期內振興我國經濟所採取的緊迫步驟。而全面恢復美國經濟實力的唯一途徑是進行長期投資，以此創造新的就業機會，開創新型産業，並提高我們同世界其他國家競爭的能力。讓本世紀成為又一個美國世紀的唯一途徑在於我們最終能否正視依賴石油所付出的代價和醫療業的高昂費用；同時解決學校誤人子弟的問題以及子孫後代將要背負的沉重如山的債務。這是我們的責任。

過幾天，我將向國會呈交預算。我們往往把這類文件看作只是寫在紙上的一些數字，或是項目的詳細清單。我對這一文件的看法則不然，我把它看作是美國的願景，是我們未來的藍圖。

我的預算並不試圖解決所有的問題，或處理所有的事務。我的預算反映了我們繼承下來的嚴酷現實——一萬億美元的赤字、金融危機和代價沉重的經濟衰退。

鋻於這樣的現實，這個會議廳裏的每一個人，無論是民主黨人還是共和黨人，都必須因無法供款割捨一些有益的重要項目。這也包括我本人在內。

但這並不意味著我們可以忽視我們面臨的長期挑戰。我絕不接受那種認為我們的問題完全會自行解決的觀點，也不接受認為政府在為我們的共同繁榮奠定基礎方面扮演的角色無足輕重的看法。

因為歷史所證明的情況並非如此。歷史提醒我們，在每一個經濟動蕩和轉變的時刻，我們的國家都應之以果敢的行動和宏觀的思維。內戰期間，我們鋪設連接東西海岸的鐵路，刺激了商業和工業的發展。産生於工業革命混亂時期的公立高中體制，使我們的公民作好了迎接新時代的準備。在戰爭和大蕭條過後通過的《退伍軍人權利法案》(GI Bill)，使一代人進入大學，造就了歷史上人數最龐大的中産階級。(掌聲) 冷戰中爭取自由的鬥爭，帶來國家公路四通八達，美國人登上月球，以及至今仍在影響世界的技術大發展。

在每一種情況下，政府並沒有取代私有企業；政府促進了私人企業的發展。政府為成千上萬企業家和新企業適應新局面和蓬勃發展創造了條件。

我們是一個曾在危難中看到希望、從磨難中求得機會的國家。現在我們必須再次成為這樣的國家。這就是為什麼我所呈交的預算案即便在削減我們不需要的項目的同時，仍將對與我們的未來經濟極其攸關的三個領域進行投資：能源、醫療和教育。(掌聲)

首先是能源。

我們知道，掌握潔凈、可再生能源動力的國家將處於21世紀的領先地位。然而，是中國發起了歷史上最大規模的發展高效能源經濟的努力。我們發明瞭太陽能技術，但我們在太陽能生産方面卻落後於德國和日本等國家。新的插電式油電混合汽車經我們的裝配線誕生，但卻要用南韓製造的充電池行駛。

我所不能接受的未來是，讓明天的工作崗位和産業到我國邊境外生根，我知道你們也不會接受。現在是美國再次領先的時候了。(掌聲)

由於有了我們的經濟復甦計劃，未來三年內，我國將把再生能源供應翻一番。我們為基礎研究提供了美國有史以來最大數額的投資──這項投資不僅將刺激新能源開發，而且還將促進醫學和科技領域的突破。

我們不久將鋪設數千英里的輸電線，為全國各地城鎮送去新能源。我們將讓美國人投入工作，將住宅和樓房變得更節能，進而節省鉅額能源開銷。

但是，要真正改造我們的經濟、保護我們的安全，拯救我們的星球使之免遭氣候變化的破壞，我們最終必須使可再生清潔能源成為能夠盈利的能源。因此，我要求本屆國會向我提交法案，對碳排放作出基於市場的封頂限額，並推動我國增加可再生能源生産。這是我們所需要的。(掌聲) 為了支援這一創新，我們將每年投資150億美元，用於發展風力發電和太陽能發電等技術、先進的生物燃料、清潔煤炭以及在美國就地生産的更高效的汽車和卡車。(掌聲)

説到汽車工業，大家都認識到，多年來的不良決策和全球性衰退將我們的汽車製造商推向破産邊緣。我們不應也不會對他們的不良方式給予保護。但我們致力於讓汽車工業革新改造，重新創意，使之具有競爭並獲勝的能力。數百萬份工作有賴於汽車工業。百十多個社區依靠汽車工業。我相信，發明汽車的國家不會離它而去。(掌聲)

以上任何事情都不可能不付出代價，也不可能輕而易舉。但這是美國。我們不會避重就輕。為了推動這個國家前進，我們會採取一切必需的行動。

出於同樣的原因，我們必須解決醫療費用極為高昂的問題。

在美國，每30秒就會出現一起醫療費用導致破産的事例。到今年年底，醫療費用可能造成150萬美國人喪失房産。8年來，醫療保險費的漲幅是工資漲幅的4倍。在這8年中，失去醫療保險的美國人每年增加100萬。這是小公司紛紛倒閉，大公司將就業機會轉移到海外的主要原因之一。這也是我國規模最大、增長速度最快的預算項目之一。

鋻於上述事實，我們再也不能將醫療改革束之高閣。我們再也經不起拖延。現在是時候了。(掌聲)

我們在短短30天中為推動醫療改革所做的努力已經超過以往10年。本屆國會正式開始運作才幾天，就通過一項法案，為全職父母家庭的1,100萬名兒童提供醫療保險併為醫療保險提供保護。(掌聲) 我們的復甦計劃將投資建立電子醫療檔案並開發新技術，以減少差錯，降低費用，保護隱私，治病救人。我們的計劃將發起一項新的倡議，力爭在我們這個時代找到治療癌症的方法，從而戰勝這個觸及幾乎每一個美國人的生活的疾病，而我也是其中之一。(掌聲) 而且──我們的計劃對預防性醫療的投入空前之高，因為預防性醫療是保障我國人民的健康，讓醫療費用得到控制的最佳途徑之一。

這項預算案以上述改革為基礎，包括一項進行綜合性醫療改革的歷史性承諾──為達到美國人人享有質優價廉的醫療服務的原則標準投下一筆啟動資金。(掌聲) 這是一項承諾──這項承諾在一定程度上要靠我們的體制早就應當具備的效率來實現。如果我們希望在今後幾年降低赤字，就必須採取這個步驟。

在如何實現改革的問題上會有很多不同的意見和看法，因此下星期我將召集工商企業及員工、醫生和醫療服務人員、民主黨人和共和黨人就這一問題開始進行探討。

我絕不幻想這將會是一件輕而易舉之事。再強調一下，這將是艱巨的。然而，我也知道在特迪∙羅斯福(Teddy Roosevelt)首次提出改革之後近百年來，我們的醫療成本使我們的經濟和我們的良心都長期受到沉重的壓力。為此，需要明確指出的是：醫療改革刻不容緩，不可耽擱，不能再拖一年。(掌聲)

我們必須迎接的第三個挑戰是，迫切需要擴大美國教育提供的前景。

在全球經濟體中，你所能提供的最有價值的技能便是你的知識，良好的教育不再僅僅是獲得機會的通道，而是一個先決條件。

如今四分之三發展最快的職業需要有高中以上的文憑。然而，我國公民中只有過半的人達到這個教育程度。在所有的工業化國家中，我國的高中退學率最高。在進入大學的學生中，有一半從未完成學業。

這是解決經濟衰退的一劑藥方，因為我們知道今天在教育方面領先於我們的國家明天會在競爭中超過我們。這就是本屆政府設定下述目標的原因：確保每個兒童都能受到完整的、培養高強能力的教育──從出生之日起直至就業之時。(掌聲) 這是我們對美國兒童必須作出的允諾。(掌聲)

我們已經通過經濟復甦計劃對教育進行了歷史性的投資。我們大幅度地擴大了早期兒童教育並將繼續提高早期兒童教育的品質，因為我們知道對人生影響最大的教育是生命最初幾年的學習。我們另使將近700萬學生──700萬──能夠上得起大學。(掌聲) 我們還為避免削減和解聘教師這種令人痛苦的情況發生提供必要的資源，這種情況一旦發生就會阻礙孩子們的進步。

但我們知道，我們的學校所需要的不僅僅是更多的資源，還需要進一步的改革。(掌聲) 這就是這項預算案要造就新型教師的原因──為教師的教學表現提供新的激勵手段，為他們的提高開闢途徑；對他們的成功給予獎勵。有一些創新項目已在幫助學校向高標準邁進並填補成績的空白，我們將對這些項目進行投資。我們還將把我們的承諾擴大到特許學校。(掌聲)

作為立法者和教育工作者，使這一體制能順利運作是我們的責任。但參與這一體制是每一個公民的責任。因此，今晚，我要求每一個美國人承諾接受至少一年以上的高等教育或職業培訓。可以上社區大學也可以上四年制學校；接受專業培訓或實習。但無論接受何種訓練，每一位美國人都需比獲得高中文憑得到更多的教育。高中輟學已不再是一種選擇。這不僅對你個人是一種放棄，對你的國家也是一種放棄，而我們的國家需要並重視每個美國人的才智。(掌聲) 這就是我們將支援──我們將對所有美國青年提供必要的支援以完成其大學教育和實現以下新目標的原因：到2020年，美國將再次成為全世界大學畢業生比例最高的國家。這是我們能夠實現的目標。(掌聲) 這是我們能夠實現的目標。

同時，我知道大學學費比以往任何時候都高，因為這個緣故，如果你願意在你所在的社區擔任志願者，或回報你的社區，或為國效勞，我們保證你能負擔高等教育的費用。(掌聲) 為了促使這一代和世世代代的美國人重新煥發為國效勞的精神，我請求國會向我送交以參議員奧林∙哈奇(Orrin Hatch)以及一位從未停止叩問自己能為國家做些什麼的美國人──參議員愛德華∙肯尼迪(Edward Kennedy)命名的兩黨參議員共同提出的法案。(掌聲)

這些教育政策將為我們的孩子打開機會的大門。然而，我們必須確保他們能順利走進大門。畢竟沒有任何計劃或政策能代替父母──父親或母親需要參加家長與教師座談會，可以輔導孩子做家庭作業，或關掉電視，收起電子遊戲，還可以給孩子朗誦讀物。 (掌聲) 當我説教育孩子的職責必須從家庭開始的時候，我不僅是以總統身份，而且還是以一位父親的身份在此講話。這不是民主黨的問題也不是共和黨的問題，這是美國的問題。(掌聲)

當然我們還要為孩子們承擔另一項職責。這就是保證我們不給他們留下他們不能支付的債務。 (掌聲) 這是至關重要的。我贊同，絕對贊同。你們看，我知道我們能在這裡取得一些共識。(笑聲) 由於我們繼承的赤字，代價──(掌聲)──我們所面臨的危機造成的代價，以及我們必須面對種種長期的挑戰，在我國經濟復甦的過程中，我們有必要盡一切努力降低赤字，這個問題尤其重要。此事關係極為重大。 (掌聲)

現在，我現感到驕傲的是，我們通過了一項不附加額外開支的復甦計劃──(掌聲)──我希望通過下一年度的預算，保證我們所支出的每一個美元都體現我國最重要的事務。

昨天，我在我召集的財政峰會上作出了在我第一個任期結束前將赤字減少一半的保證。我的政府還已開始逐項審閱聯邦預算，以取消浪費資金和效果不彰的項目。大家不難想像，這個過程需要花費一些時日。但我們已從耗資最多的項目開始，我們已經確定在未來10年內可節省兩萬億美元。(掌聲)

在這一預算中，我們將停止沒有實效的教育計劃，停止向沒有實際需要的大規模農業綜合企業直接供款。(掌聲)我們將廢除已在伊拉克浪費數十億美元的無投標合同， (掌聲) —並改革—並改革我們的防務預算，使我們不再為我們不使用的冷戰時期的武器系統承擔開支。(掌聲)我們將—我們將根除—我們將根除聯邦醫療保險 (Medicare)中那些對我們老年公民的健康毫無作用的浪費、欺詐和濫用現像，我們將最終停止為那些將我國的就業機會轉移到海外的公司提供減稅，以恢復稅制的公平合理。(掌聲)

為了避免我們的後代未來繼續承擔前人的債務，我們還將停止美國2%最富裕的人所享受的稅務優惠。 (掌聲) 為此，我明確表示──我絕對明確地表示，因為我知道你們最終會聽到一些同樣的説法，認為廢除這些稅務優惠意味著美國人民的賦稅將大幅增加，但如果你的家庭年收入不到25萬美元，每年不超過一百萬美元的四分之一，你不會看到你的賦稅增加一毫一厘。我重申：不會增加一毫一厘。 (掌聲) 不會增加一毫一厘。 實際上，復甦方案可提供免稅─是的，提供免稅──將為95%的工薪家庭免稅。而且，這些支票即將寄達。 (掌聲)

因此，為了使我國財政長期保持良好狀態，我們還必須解決聯邦醫療保險和社會安全計劃日益高漲的成本問題。在未來幾年中，全面的醫療改革是加強聯邦醫療保險的最佳途徑。我們還必須就如何改革社會安全福利計劃開始對話，同時為美國所有的人建立免稅的通用儲蓄賬戶。 (掌聲)

最後，鋻於我們也有著信任赤字，我要致力於重新讓我們的預算具有誠實性和言而有信。這就是為什麼這個預算前瞻10年，並且將舊規則所略去的支出予以説明的原因────其中首次包含了伊拉克戰爭和阿富汗戰爭的全部費用。(掌聲)七年來，我們的國家一直處於戰爭狀態。我們不再隱瞞戰爭的代價。(掌聲)

目前，我正與我們優秀的國家安全事務團隊一起仔細審議我們對這兩場戰爭的政策，我不久將宣佈在伊拉克的前進路線，從而將伊拉克交給伊拉克人民，以負責任的方式結束這場戰爭。(掌聲)

我們將同我們的盟友一道，制定在阿富汗和巴基斯坦新的全面戰略，以擊敗"基地"組織，打擊極端主義。我絕不允許恐怖主義分子從地球另一端的藏身之地對美國人民施展陰謀。我們絕不允許。(掌聲)

在我們今晚在此聚會之時，我國的男女軍人在海外嚴陣以待，還有更多人在整裝待發。對他們中的每一個人，對那些因親人離開而默默承重的家屬，美國人民齊聲發出一個資訊：我們對你們的貢獻心懷敬意，我們因你們的奉獻深受激勵，我們作你們的堅強後盾。(掌聲)

為了減輕我們部隊承受的壓力，在我的預算中增加了陸軍和海軍陸戰隊人數。並且，為履行我們對服役軍人具有的神聖承諾，我們將為他們提高軍餉，為退伍軍人增加醫療保健和他們應有的福利。(掌聲)

為戰勝極端主義，我們還必須警惕維護我們的軍隊所捍衛的價值觀──因為世界上沒有任何軍隊比美國的榜樣更強大。這就是我已下令關閉關塔那摩灣 (Guantanamo Bay)拘押中心，並將尋求迅速、確定無疑地將在押恐怖主義分子地繩之以法的原因。(掌聲)因為實踐我們的價值觀不會削弱我們，而是會使我們更加安全、更加強大。(掌聲)這就是為什麼我今晚站在這裡，無可非議和毫不含糊地宣佈，美利堅合眾國不實施酷刑。今晚我們在這裡可以做出這樣的承諾。(掌聲)

通過言詞和行動，我們正在向全世界表明一個接觸聯繫的新時代已經開始。因為我們知道，美國無法單獨應對本世紀存在的種種威脅，而世界在應對這些威脅時也不能沒有美國。我們不能規避談判桌，也不能無視可能傷害我們的敵人或勢力。我們應響召喚，以嚴峻時代所要求的信心和坦誠向前邁進。

為推動以色列及其鄰國實現穩固持久的和平，我們任命了一位特使來持續進行這項努力。為應對21世紀的種種挑戰──從恐怖主義到核擴散；從疾病疫情到網際威脅到極度貧困──我們將鞏固老聯盟，締結新聯盟，並調動我國各方面力量。

為應對這場遍及全球的經濟危機，我們正在同20國集團(G-20)成員共同努力恢復人們對金融體制的信心，避免可能出現的保護主義抬頭，並刺激全球各地市場對美國産品的需求。因為世界要依靠我們達到經濟強盛，正如我們的經濟也有賴於世界經濟強勁一樣。

我們正站在這個歷史的交叉路口，所有國家所有人民的眼睛都再次集中在我們身上──注視著我們在這個時刻的一舉一動，期待著我們發揮主導作用。

今晚我們在此聚會，時代呼喚我們在這個具有特殊意義的時期治理國家。這是巨大的責任，也是極大的榮耀──只有很少幾代美國人曾經獲此殊榮。我們手中掌握著決定世界成敗利鈍的能力。

我知道很容易忽視這個真理───變得憤世嫉俗，疑慮重重，庸庸碌碌，胸無大志。不過在我的一生中，我還領悟到希望往往在不可能的地方被發現；靈感經常發源於美國黎民百姓的夢想和渴望，並非來自高官厚爵或名門望族。

我想起了倫納德∙阿貝斯(Leonard Abess)。他是邁阿密(Miami)一家銀行的總裁，據説他出售自己的公司股份，將6,000萬美元的所得分發給為他工作的所有399位職工，另外還發給72位以前為他工作的員工。他並沒有把這件事告訴任何人。當一家地方報紙發現此事後，他只是輕描淡寫地説："我從7歲起就認識其中的一些人，我如果獨享這些錢，會感到心中有愧。"(掌聲)

我想起——我想起了堪薩斯州格林斯堡 (Greensburg, Kansas)。這是一個遭到颶風徹底毀壞的城鎮，但如今當地的居民正在重建家園。他們利用潔凈能源為整個社區供電，過去處處斷壁殘垣的土地帶來了就業機會和工商業的興旺，為此成為全球典範。一個幫助這些居民重建的人士説："這場悲劇十分可怕。但這裡的鄉親們知道，這也提供了一個難得的機遇。"

我還想起泰希奧馬∙貝西婭(Ty’Sheoma Bethea)。她是我在南卡羅來納州狄龍地區(Dillon, South Carolina)一所學校訪問時見到的年輕女孩。這所學校的教室內天花板漏水，墻壁上油漆剝落，附近還有火車隆隆駛過，為此他們每天不得不中斷教學達6 次之多。她一直聽人説她的學校沒有指望，但有一天下課後她跑到公共圖書館，列印出一封信給這裡在座的各位。她甚至向校長要錢買了郵票。這封信請求我們給予幫助，信中説："我們只是一群學生，希望能成為律師、醫生，和你們一樣成為議員，有一天還可以當總統，我們不僅能使南卡羅來納州發生變化，而且還能使全世界發生變化。我們決不放棄。" 她如此説道。我們決不放棄。(掌聲)

這些話語——這些話語和這些事例從某些方面説明瞭美國人民的精神，是他們送我們來到這裡。他們告訴我們這些，即使處於最困苦的時期，即使面臨最艱難的局面，仍然保持心胸寬廣，精神振奮，一身正氣，意志堅定；願為我們的未來和繁榮承擔責任。

他們的意志必須化為我們的精神。他們關心的問題必須成為我們的事業。同時，我們必須向他們表明，必須向我國全體人民表明，我們完全能勝任面前的任務。(掌聲)

我知道——是的，我們迄今尚未就每一項事務成共識——(笑聲)，將來我們無疑也會出現分歧。然而，我也知道今晚在座的每一位美國人都熱愛國家並盼望國家昌盛。我了解這一點。(掌聲)這必須是今後數月內我們每一場辯論的出發點，成為每一場辯論結束後的復歸點。這便是美國人民希望我們尋求共同點的基礎。

如果我們能做到——如果我們齊心合力，促使國家走出這次深重的危機；如果我們幫助人們找到工作，重新發動增進繁榮的引擎；如果我們毫不畏懼地迎接我們時代的挑戰，振奮美國決不放棄的永恒精神，那末從今天開始，直至多少年後的某一天，我們的子孫就能告訴他們的子女，我們在這個關頭做了”一些值得紀念的工作” ，並且在這個大廳銘刻下這樣的字句。

謝謝諸位。上帝保祐你們。上帝保祐美利堅合眾國。謝謝諸位。(掌聲)

東部標準時間晚10:18

(完)

公開即時訊息為了報復? 處三年以下有期徒刑、拘役或三萬元以下罰金

是否有朋友遇到這樣的情形:

"MSN或是Yahoo Messanger的訊息在未經過當事人同意的狀況下被蓄意公開? "

刑法第315-1條(妨害秘密罪)有以下行為之一者，處三年以下有期徒刑、拘役或三萬元以下之罰金：（一）無故利用工具或設備窺視、竊聽他人非公開之活動、言論、談話或身體隱私部位者。（二）無故以錄音、照相、錄影或電磁記錄竊錄他人非公開之活動、言論、談話或身體隱私部位者。

依據以上法律規定, 是會被處罰的喔!!

在此篇見解中更詳細描述相關可能的情事 --- 刑法第315條之一【妨害秘密罪】中的『無故』

• 甲寄發私人書信予乙，乙將之留存。
  雖書信僅為甲對乙之秘密訊息傳遞，但客觀認知上，足認甲應知乙未必刪 除該書信，且本書信之存在，亦非基於乙之主動行為而產生。是以，不成立本罪。
  
• 甲乙間之私人活動，甲在未經乙同意下，私下錄影、錄音。
  雖甲為此私人行為之當事人，但依本條第二款之文字解釋，仍屬違法。

Swine influenza virus, SIV (豬流感病毒)

從2009年3月開始Swine influenza virus, SIV (豬流感病毒)開始自墨西哥, USA開始向全球蔓延. 當新聞報導出墨西哥已經有超過100人死亡案例後, 全世界開始高度重視這一波感染行動. World Health Organization (WHO) 已經於2009/04/30將H1N1新型流感的警戒調高到第5級.

自SARS之後, 新一波恐怖病毒再次席捲全球,
你, 不可以不知道它 --- H1N1

• 對抗豬流感 我能怎麼做
• H1N1新型流感Ｑ＆Ａ
• 豬流感 on Wiki
• 豬流感 on Taiwan's CDC
• 了解H1N1豬流感疫情 on Google Map

~願上天保佑


View H1N1 Swine Flu in a larger map